weekly response

Russia Upon a Threshold
By Jared Nourse

Vladimir Putin is back in the office he built. Depending upon who you ask, that could mean a variety of different things. Ask the majority of Russians, and they'll tell you it's a very good thing. Putin represents stability in Russia - the kind of stability that can bring you out of a decade of not knowing when you'll get your next paycheck. Stability is a brand in Russia, a political ideal so high it is unthinkable to challenge, and so Putin found it easy to market himself.

But across the country, there are some remarkable indicators that after 12 years of Putin’s rule, all is not well. Corruption remains unchecked across the country. A guarantee to the rule of law depends on who you are. Life expectancy is a mere 66.46 years, lower than every other post- Soviet country except Tajikistan. Russians die younger than North Koreans. The population is shrinking and the economy is still all too dependent upon natural resources. The education system is failing, and opportunities are still largely available only to those with connections or money.

These problems get a lot of lip service from Putin. But rather than addressing the nation's systemic issues that cause these problems, he prefers to build or exaggerate threats to the Russian people and arrange a decisive response. In fact, Putin’s statism relies on these systemic issues: selective rule of law allowed for control of television and opposition, while corruption gets a wink and a nod for the loyalty of the security services.

The results have had a startling impact on the minds of young Russians. Corruption is considered a fact of life in Russia; if you get stopped, you pay the bribe. It’s a natural economic transaction, a friend explained. "Russians expect it. There’s nothing wrong with it. It’s just the way it is. Nichevo sdyelat'. There’s nothing to be done."

Schoolchildren beyond a certain age turn to private tutors if their family can afford it. A friend once described to me her English classes at school: "Usually, we go over the homework and then we speak in Russian." The other day, her teacher had given a lecture on politics in Russian to the effect that the only important thing in politics was good looks. Nothing else mattered.

Putin is very handsome, or so it is said.

There are bright spots in schools, of course, but students rely on outstanding individual teachers because they can't on the system. When it comes to finding a berth for higher education, students have the option to pay school administrators to change their all-important test results and improve their chances. It's a discouraging system.

Young Russians have found a way to explain the inequality of Putin’s Russia. Eto Rossiya, they say. This is Russia, it means, but it also means a lot more. This is Russia, it means, and we have some big problems. But this is Russia, nichevo sdyelat'. There’s nothing to be done.

Cynicism runs very high among young Russians. The political arena is a dirty place and if you're honest, you stay out. Our leaders may lie and steal, but so do all of yours, they say. It's a myth that happens to be particularly convenient for the regime, so it's promoted both directly and indirectly. When people think everyone steals, they're more likely to roll over for you.

Some Russian teenagers have been turning to suicide to deal with the problems that this structure causes them, an issue that has been getting more attention of late. But the greater part just wants to leave. I once asked my closest Russian friend how many of her own friends wanted to move to other countries. "Oh, not that many," she replied. "Maybe fifty percent." And they've done their research, too. America can be difficult to get into. Chances are better with Australia, Canada, or a number of Western European countries.

But in the meanwhile, young Russians are also discovering a voice of their own. Finding issues that they care about, they are surprised to learn that they can be heard. As they do, they see how the effects ripple out and change their surroundings, not in ways that threaten the stability that Putin built, but in ways that begin to address the problems he’s failed to address. The actions are simple: attending a rally to express dissent, getting together with a group of friends every week to discuss not problems, but possible solutions, even just spending time every week taking care of street animals. My friends and students did all of these things and more during the time I spent in Russia, contributing what they could towards the growth of civil society in Russia.

With practice, and despite the odds against them, young Russians are slowly disproving that great myth, nichevo sdyelat'. With time, what they do in greater numbers every year will give a new meaning to another phrase, as well. Eto Rossiya, they will say, and it will mean, “This is Russia. Look, this is the Russia we built for ourselves.”

Jared Nourse has worked as an English teacher in Vladimir, Russia, and he is currently exploring other regions of the former Soviet Union. He graduated from Williams College in 2011 with a major in Political Science and a concentration in Leadership Studies. Jared's post is part of an ongoing "Guest Blogger" series. If you're interested in writing, do click the link and be in touch!